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Jacques Maritain and Human Rights: Totalitarianism, Anti-Semitism and Democracy (1936-1951)

為了解決Accuse的問題，作者Lorenzini, Daniele 這樣論述：

The influence of Jacques Maritain in the post-war era's embrace of human rights is undeniable. Scholars, however, overlook a major shift in his use of language. Daniele Lorenzini argues the turn from Maritain's use of the expression "rights of the person" to "the rights of man" is packed with meanin

g. Reconstructing the historical context in which this shift occurred is key to fully grasping what Maritain accomplished. It is also essential if one seeks to defend Maritain against accusation that he enacted a victory of the American and French modern revolutionary spirit over ecclesiastical teac

hing when he legitimized "the rights of man." The notion that Maritain may have taken up the cause of the civic-secular citizen when these secularly articulated rights were consciously never embraced by Catholic magisterium (that instead promulgated the rights of the person) merits serious attention

. Lorenzini reconstructs Maritain's historical context and theoretical trajectory shaped by particular circumstances--most evidently World War II, but also his time in the United States and his work with the Committee of Catholics for Human Rights. Lorenzini is not suggesting that Maritain staged a

siege of Catholic thought, but that he did in fact lay the foundations for turning the conversation away from the tenets upheld by ecclesiastical authority on the concept of rights toward an articulation that more pointedly connects such rights to the actual possession and protection. How and why t

his happens, Lorenzini demonstrates, is "grasped only if critically situated in the union of history of history and biography that makes this possible and encourages it, as does Maritain's residency in the United States--an exile that obliged the French philosopher to render a deep seated account of

the unbelievable (and tragic) political and intellectual panorama." In short, Maritain set in motion the innovative redefinition of the elements that would soon be known as the human rights. But to Maritain these elements were always proper to the new ideal of the "vitally Christian" political city

, the city "founded essentially on the two 'pillars' of democracy and the safeguarding of the rights of man." What originally began as a purely linguistic investigation of Maritain's use of terminology has led Lorenzini to ask whether Maritain himself was won over from the act of conversing of right

s associated with personhood to the real-time struggle for these rights, an evolution not just of Maritain's language but of the man himself. Lorenzini's work is a formidable contribution to the literature pertaining to the period of post-war thought and Maritain on human rights. In his labors to c

arefully digest the full span of Maritain's intellectual trajectory on rights, Lorenzini brings Jacques Maritain alive both as a man of vision but also fervent action, and defends him from critics and historians that accuse him of spurning Church teaching and papal authority. As Lorenzini's study sh

ows, the human rights of the secular-civic world--whose lineage scholars attribute in large part to Maritain--were always derived from Catholic teaching and intended for use in constructing the truly Christian city. This work stands out in a vast repertoire of work on the subject of Jacques Maritai

n, and accomplishes both high level philosophical and historical sleuthing. It is of particular interest to American readers who may not fully realize the depth of Maritain's maturation of thought during his residency in the United States. This is an astounding read for historians, scholars of polit

ical philosophy, and students of Jacques Maritain. Daniele Lorenzini is Assistant Professor of Philosophy at the University of Warwick, where he is also Deputy Director of the Centre for Research in Post-Kantian European Philosophy. He is the author of Éthique et politique de soi (Vrin, 2015) and

La force du vrai (Le bord de l’eau, 2017), as well as the editor of Foucault and the Making of Subjects (Rowman & Littlefield, 2016).

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社群媒體成為政治論爭的煽動空間 : 用戶的網路煽動行為與語氣分析

為了解決Accuse的問題，作者張家瑜 這樣論述：

自 2020 年爆發的新冠疫情，人們的外出行動因封鎖管制而受到諸多限制，這也導 致原本的政治論爭在網路空間益加活躍。像是在社群媒體溝通脈絡中，人們討論有關新冠 病毒源頭的議題，往往與支持「線上民族主義」的網路挑釁者掛勾在一起。當中國成為 冠病毒的起源地，並散播到世界各地之後，熱衷於民族主義的中國網民，常對來自不同國 家且抱持不同政治立場和社會觀點的網民進行網路攻擊和煽動行為，這樣的網路煽動行為 因新冠疫情更加嚴重，其他國家的網民也往往是透過這些充滿挑釁和煽動意味的網路言論 戰爭和社群媒體溝通，而有機會與中國網民有所接觸。本論文旨在探討中國與其他國家的 網民間因政治立場和社會觀點的差異而引發的

網路煽動行為，本論文針對社群媒體溝通脈 絡中，網路煽動言論的語氣和動機進行分析，並討論網路挑釁和煽動如何從社群媒體溝通 脈絡轉化為實際的政治行動。本論文首先針對來自台灣、香港和中國網民間的網路挑釁和 煽動言論進行語氣分析，接著分析中國網民與其他國家網民間的網路挑釁和煽動言論，關 注中國網民與美國網民和印度網民間的網路互動和煽動言論。本論文沿用 De Fina 提出的 「語氣分析」研究方法，分析 157 條網路挑釁和煽動言論，針對這些社群媒體溝通中的五 種語氣進行分析，包括:諷刺、和藹、咄咄逼人、中立和曖昧語氣。採用語氣分析和多模 態溝通的研究方法，本論文認為中國網民和非中國網民之間的網路攻訐很

大程度上受「文 化鄰接」或「意識形態歧異」兩種因素所影響，這不僅顯示中國網民和非中國網民之間的 網路挑釁和煽動言論很多集中在民族主義和意識形態差異的爭論上，也發生在不同國家的 網民間對共同華人文化認同上的爭論。本論文也說明網路煽動言論有部分源自生活日常中 的社會事件，並從網路空間的挑釁和煽動言論，進一步在現實世界中引發後續政治效應， 這些效應有些是來自政府官員、非政府官員和一般社會大眾: 然而，有些則停留於網路溝 通層面，並沒有後續政治效應。

The Great Mrs. Elias

為了解決Accuse的問題，作者Chase-Riboud, Barbara 這樣論述：

Hannah Elias is one of the richest black women in America in the early 1900’s, but an unsolved murder reveals her real identity and thousands accuse her of stealing her fortune from whites.

透過責任實現主權：新冠肺炎疫情下的臺灣與國際社群

為了解決Accuse的問題，作者湯磊 這樣論述：

主權的概念是國際關係理論和實踐中不可或缺的組成要件之一。作為國際社會的共同規範，它發揮著關鍵的結構性功能，並將政治共同體界定為名義上平等的國家。在國際和國內層次中，主權為政治自由設定了等級參數，規範著哪些權力來源可以合法地對掌握特定領土內對於政治決定的最終決定權。主流理論（與國際政治的強大參與者同調）傾向於將主權視為理所當然的，同時它既無法受其他因素干擾也被視為至高無上的。然而，這種趨勢掩蓋了一個事實；即，當主權作為一種社會實踐時，它一直是一個激烈而爭論不止的議題。殖民地的利益集團在面對當地日益高漲的獨立運動時也不停地在試圖保持其權威的存在，於此同時，內戰和分裂主義則產生了相互矛盾的主權要求

。近年來，主權一詞在與國際法、干涉主義和人權的交集越來越受到關注。本研究係以主權為主要研究對象，將中華民國主權於各界受討論的篇章（discourse，於語言學相關研究中多譯為「話語」，意即進行對話過程中的討論、細究之行為本身，本文則採「討論」、「篇章」作為中文翻譯以更合乎本文撰寫之內涵）。近期發展作為案例進行深入案例研究，更全面地了解政治共同體的概念是如何建構（與重塑）。具體來說，本研究描述並分析在新冠肺炎疫情期間常提及一詞—「透過責任實踐主權」，相關篇章。該分析不僅探討國家（和非國家）作為主體時是如何產生這樣的討論，並強調其在全球權力結構中的相對地位。