Legislate的問題,透過圖書和論文來找解法和答案更準確安心。 我們找到附近那裡買和營業時間的推薦產品

Legislate的問題,我們搜遍了碩博士論文和台灣出版的書籍,推薦Bayat, Mangol寫的 Iran’’s Experiment with Parliamentary Governance: The Second Majles, 1909-1911 和Bayat, Mangol的 Iran’’s Experiment with Parliamentary Governance: The Second Majles, 1909-1911都 可以從中找到所需的評價。

另外網站Can Congress Legislate Standing for Federal Court Case?也說明:An undisputed element of standing is that the plaintiff has suffered an injury. The Supreme Court will rule on whether Congress can legislate ...

這兩本書分別來自 和所出版 。

中央警察大學 法律學研究所 周慶東所指導 廖國政的 論精神障礙責任減免之探討-以責任能力為核心 (2021),提出Legislate關鍵因素是什麼,來自於責任、責任能力、辨識能力、控制能力、精神疾病、精神障礙。

而第二篇論文國立臺灣大學 新聞研究所 洪貞玲所指導 黃柏謙的 酷日本戰略、WAKUWAKU JAPAN及臺灣閱聽人 (2021),提出因為有 酷日本戰略、日本文化、文化外交、哈日族、臺日友好的重點而找出了 Legislate的解答。

最後網站legislate - Yahoo奇摩字典搜尋結果則補充:legislate · vi. 立法,制定(或通過)法律[(+for/against)] · vt. 用立法規定;用立法使產生 ...

接下來讓我們看這些論文和書籍都說些什麼吧:

除了Legislate,大家也想知道這些:

Iran’’s Experiment with Parliamentary Governance: The Second Majles, 1909-1911

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為了解決Legislate的問題,作者Bayat, Mangol 這樣論述:

For the past several decades, scholars have studied and written about the Iranian constitutional revolution with the 1979 Islamic Revolution as a subtext, obscuring the secularist trend that characterized its very nature. Constitutionalist leaders represented a diverse composite of beliefs, yet they

all shared a similar vision of a new Iran, one that included far-reaching modernizing reforms and concepts rooted in the European Enlightenment. The second national assembly (majles), during its brief two-year term, aspired to legislate these reforms in one of the most important experiments in parl

iamentary governance. Mangol Bayat provides a much-needed detailed analysis of this historic episode, examining the national and international actors, and the political climate that engendered one crisis after another, ultimately leading to its fateful end. Bayat highlights the radical transformatio

n of old institutions and the innovation of new ones, and most importantly, shows how this term provided a reasonably successful model of parliament imposing its will on the executive power that was primarily composed of old-guard, elite leaders. At the same time, Bayat challenges the traditional pe

rception among scholars that reform attempts failed due to sectarian politics and ideological differences. Mangol Bayat has taught Middle Eastern history at several universities, including Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Iowa, and Harvard University. She is the author of M

ysticism and Dissent: Socioreligious Thought in Qajar Iran and Iran’s First Revolution: Shi’ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909.

Legislate進入發燒排行的影片

Taiwan, beacon of Democracy in Asia and the world

Is a self-governing country without a seat in the UN

China views it as a renegade province

And threatens to annihilate it by force

Taiwan’s president Tsai Ing-wen responds with

More human rights,
More democracy
and More freedom

On February 20th 2019

Taiwan is to legislate same-sex marriage law

Here is Taiwan Premier Su’s message to its people:

Hello, My fellow Taiwanese folks

As we all know, human society evolves constantly. For the longest time, there were prejudice towards the poor, women, blacks. They couldn’t even vote. Now all is respected, all is equal.

We used to think sexual attraction happen to opposite sex. We didn’t understand homosexuals. Ignorance leads to fear. Fear leads to oppression. Even I was once ignorant as a kid.

Now it is medically proven. Homosexuals are born this way. It’s not a disease. It’s not contagious. You can’t nurture straights to gays, nor gays to straights.

Executive Yuan as the highest executive institution in Taiwan, we must act according to the law, we must respect the referendum results, we also must act according to the Grand Justice Interpretation of constitution court. Therefore, we will not amend the civil code law. The marriage between a man and a woman is intact as is.

As stated by the supreme court justice Interpretation No. 748, the union of same sex couples requires the equal protection of the freedom of marriage. Therefore, the Executive Yuan will enact on legislation of such law. Since many still debate on the naming of the law. We feel it is best not to muddle on the wording. Instead, the Executive Yuan will name it ‘J Y Interpretation No. 748 Enact Law’ and send it to legislature for review.

I hope all will understand that, according to the Grand Justice Interpretation, if the Executive doesn’t enact, if the Legislature doesn’t pass before May 24th, same-sex marriage will still be allowed to register under current Civil Code. Therefore, I ask the legislature to legislate soon.

I will also say this to my fellow Taiwanese: No matter you’re gay or straight, we are all on the same side, living together on this land, we are all here, between heaven and earth. I sincerely look forward to all, to tolerate the different, to kindly treat one another, and make Taiwan a country that respects and be kind to one another.

Thank you, and, good night.

論精神障礙責任減免之探討-以責任能力為核心

為了解決Legislate的問題,作者廖國政 這樣論述:

何謂責任?一般而言,責任是適用於精神狀態正常人之規範,也只有正常人才能期待其遵守國家之規範而負其責任,然而,對於精神障礙者犯罪行為要如何處罰?是否能期待其遵守規範?其責任能力要如何判斷?醫學要如何判定行為時之精神狀態?法律效果要如何認定?乃為本文所欲探討「責任」之議題。本文主要目的乃是探討精神病患者責任之問題。因而從責任概念開始著手,接續為責任能力之研究及精神醫學影響責任能力之判斷加以探討。責任在各責任理論當中是以道義責任論及規範責任論為主要理論根據,是以「自由意思」與「期待可能性」作為判斷責任非難可能性之依據。而責任能力規範於我國刑法第19條,其條文是以混和立法體例呈現,在生理上是以精神障

礙與心智缺陷作為影響辨識能力及控制能力之心理要素的原因,並以行為時有精神障礙作為影響責任能力之基準。 本文在蒐集資料過程中,也發現在精神醫學領域鑑定異常者是否具備控制能力時,必須連同認識能力及控制能力一併加以鑑定,始能判定是否有控制能力,從而本文認為,我國在心理要素上應以齊備制立法,而非擇一制。本文從精神醫學文獻中發現,精神障礙與心智缺陷起因於疾病所導致,而犯罪行為主要是因其疾病症狀所引起,症狀的發作有其階段性,並非一瞬間即能發作,因而在精神鑑定其行為時之精神狀態,必須根據患者過往病史來判斷行為時是否有疾病發作之可能,無從根據其瞬間發作判斷其有無疾病存在。實務並依精神鑑定之結果作為法官最後之心

證,判斷精神障礙者之犯罪行為責任能力減免之依據。本文將以文獻探討法並蒐集相關法學書籍、判例、判決、期刊、論文、精神醫學書籍等文獻作為寫作之內容,期盼能從本文中了解精神障礙者犯罪行為責任能力之認定以及立法模式,並結合精神醫學之判定,以釐清及消彌大眾之疑慮。

Iran’’s Experiment with Parliamentary Governance: The Second Majles, 1909-1911

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為了解決Legislate的問題,作者Bayat, Mangol 這樣論述:

For the past several decades, scholars have studied and written about the Iranian constitutional revolution with the 1979 Islamic Revolution as a subtext, obscuring the secularist trend that characterized its very nature. Constitutionalist leaders represented a diverse composite of beliefs, yet they

all shared a similar vision of a new Iran, one that included far-reaching modernizing reforms and concepts rooted in the European Enlightenment. The second national assembly (majles), during its brief two-year term, aspired to legislate these reforms in one of the most important experiments in parl

iamentary governance. Mangol Bayat provides a much-needed detailed analysis of this historic episode, examining the national and international actors, and the political climate that engendered one crisis after another, ultimately leading to its fateful end. Bayat highlights the radical transformatio

n of old institutions and the innovation of new ones, and most importantly, shows how this term provided a reasonably successful model of parliament imposing its will on the executive power that was primarily composed of old-guard, elite leaders. At the same time, Bayat challenges the traditional pe

rception among scholars that reform attempts failed due to sectarian politics and ideological differences. Mangol Bayat has taught Middle Eastern history at several universities, including Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Iowa, and Harvard University. She is the author of M

ysticism and Dissent: Socioreligious Thought in Qajar Iran and Iran’s First Revolution: Shi’ism and the Constitutional Revolution of 1905-1909.

酷日本戰略、WAKUWAKU JAPAN及臺灣閱聽人

為了解決Legislate的問題,作者黃柏謙 這樣論述:

文化外交在現代十分重要,不僅能增進國與國間相互了解,還能有效宣傳自製文化內容。而在臺灣,因為與日本在歷史上獨特的殖民淵源,使日本文化內容及其衍生商品對臺灣社會的影響相較其他國家及地區來得更加深遠。有鑑於此,本論文採用深度訪談法,訪問曾屬於「酷日本戰略」重點支援、在臺灣播放日本文化內容的WAKUWAKU JAPAN及其閱聽人,歸納出以下幾點 (1) WAKUWAKU JAPAN會針對地方因地制宜地推出行銷策略,並通過成功與日本政府合作而獲得具大投資額,但後來則因不適應臺灣有線市場特殊的代理制度及系統間的對抗而退出臺灣市場。閱聽人方面, (2) 閱聽人之所以喜愛觀看WAKUWAKU JAPAN是

因為其電視特性所提供的愉悅,如大螢幕、家庭同樂等,以及日本文化在臺灣已盛行多年,像是日本化的城市環境及全日本內容頻道亦早已存在於閱聽人週遭,以上原因皆為WAKUWAKU JAPAN能被閱聽人輕易接受並喜愛的原因。(3) 閱聽人觀看WAKUWAKU JAPAN後所引發的消費與行為多發生在年資較淺的「新哈日族」身上,對喜歡日本良久或曾在日本生活過的「老哈日族」來說,WAKUWAKU JAPAN對他們的影響力不大。 (4) 「老哈日族」開始知日、克日,但「新哈日族」則仍難跳脫「哈日」、「媚日」。哈日族必須小心拿捏好「臺日友好」的尺度,以免再度落入經過包裝的帝國主義或是殖民關係之中。(5) 臺灣「文化

去殖民」在影視上已有成效,如臺劇製作漸趨精良,跳脫了改編日漫、日劇的格局,題材亦多與臺灣文化息息相關,製作費更到上看千萬元如《斯卡羅》、《茶金》。不少劇集能被大串流平臺如Netflix看中並買下放映權,如《華燈初上》。政府需要建立具體的文化外交機構,並立法管理相關事務;同時民間亦需繼續製作隱含臺灣文化的內容,臺灣的文化外交才能走出一片天。